As Syria faces the uncertainty of Ahmad al-Sharaa's rule and the ambivalence of international backing, particularly Washington's, an op-ed written by Robert S. Ford for Foreign Affairs declares the United States' most useful aid would be its withdrawal from the Arab nation. 

Since 2014, the United States had militarily and financially backed the Syrian Democratic Forces in northeastern Syria, but also maintained American occupation troops in the region, even after the abrupt collapse of the Assad regime in December. 

While the US alleges its troops have been battling ISIS, the terrorist group remains highly active. In this context, Ford proposes a solution that befits the US and its president, Donald Trump, who has repeatedly expressed discontent with American involvement in foreign conflicts: Collaboration with Syria's transitional government, led by al-Sharaa, which would consequently allow the US to leave Syria "on its own terms". 

SDF and ISIS: What is happening? 

The SDF had been tasked with combatting ISIS in eastern Syria, but six years after allegedly seizing the terror group's last stronghold, ISIS continues to operate. This comes primarily due to SDF's conduct in the region, its conflicts with the Syrian Arab Army, Turkish militias, al-Qaeda offshoots, as well as its crimes against locals. 

Ford details the SDF's extrajudicial killings of residents, arbitrary arrests of Arab civilians, extortion of locals demanding information about their arrested relatives, changes to the educational curriculum to fit its beliefs, and more, as the main reason why ISIS has not fully lost its influence. 

As a result, many individuals in the area resorted to enlisting with ISIS as a means to deter the SDF. 

Moreover, the SDF is majorly controlled by the Kurdish People’s Defense Units, or YPG, which frequently operates against Turkiye and Turkish strongholds in Syria, placing the SDF under Turkish attack as well. 

According to Ford, the conflict between YPG and Turkiye, and subsequently SDF, diverts the latter's resources and operations from combat against ISIS. 

Where does the US step in? 

In this context, Ford stresses that the US strategy, since Obama's tenure, focused on backing the YPG [and the SDF by extension] and compromising with Ankara and its grudges against the group.

However, the author then states "The US military umbrella covering the YPG from Turkish attack in eastern Syria has ensured that the YPG fighters and the autonomous administration they established reject any compromise with Turkey or the new government in Damascus."

This, in turn, gives ISIS more room to operate and engage in what Ford calls a "forever war" in Syria. 

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Under Trump, the US risks expanding its support to include all Kurdish groups operating in Syria, steering from its initial mission drastically, or abandoning them completely. 

Since the fall of the Assad regime, it was expected that Ankara might intensify its attacks against the YPG, forcing the US to decide whether to further back the Kurds or risk abandoning them, despite their controversial standing in local Arab communities.

An open door 

Ford argues that instead of relying on the SDF, the US could work with HTS to combat ISIS.

While the US designates HTS as a terrorist organization, Washington has previously collaborated with groups it considers terrorist-linked, such as the YPG.

HTS has a militant past, emerging from the al-Qaeda-affiliated Jabhat al-Nusra, which once threatened US interests and targeted minorities. However, its leader, al-Sharaa, has distanced HTS from al-Qaeda and ISIS, actively fighting both groups and preventing their resurgence in northwestern Syria, although many in Washington are not fully convinced it abandoned its intolerant ideology, Ford said. 

In recent years, HTS has also sought to improve its image by restoring Christian properties. Unlike the SDF, which faces constraints due to Turkish opposition, HTS has regional backing and a stronger ability to gain support from Arab communities vulnerable to ISIS recruitment.

Given its track record, some believe HTS may be a more effective force in countering ISIS than the SDF.

US and HTS' roles for Syria's future 

The author suggests that for Syria to effectively combat ISIS and stabilize the country, the transitional government in Damascus must integrate Arab militias under the YPG’s command into its defense ministry, assume governance in eastern Syria’s Arab communities, and take control of areas currently under the SDF’s responsibility.

The US should open a dialogue with the HTS-led government to coordinate efforts against ISIS, including intelligence sharing and handling the al-Hol and Roj camps holding at least 40,000 ISIS-affiliated individuals.

Additionally, to support Syria’s recovery and fight against ISIS, the US should ease sanctions to allow for much-needed investment and reconstruction, Ford added. Rebuilding Syria after the devastating civil war is estimated to cost over $200 billion, requiring both international aid and private investment. US sanctions, however, hinder the flow of necessary capital and goods.

If the Trump administration is hesitant to remove all sanctions, it could at least introduce a renewable one-year waiver for sectors like finance, construction, health, and agriculture. Without these adjustments, Syria will remain stagnant, unable to defeat ISIS, much like the weakened Assad government struggled to do from 2017 to 2024.

Do's and don'ts 

Exploring concerns regarding the future of Kurds should the US pivot from the SDF, Ford says their safety depends on the Syrian government respecting the rights of all citizens, not foreign powers.

While it's unclear whether the HTS-led government is committed to inclusive democracy, Ford alleges that Syrians under its control currently enjoy more freedoms than they have in decades. Freedom of expression is evident, with people openly criticizing the government and engaging in political discussions. Christians, despite some fears, acknowledge that their concerns are more about HTS’s ideology than its conduct.

Trump is right to avoid prescribing Syria’s political future, and Syrians must work on drafting a new constitution, likely featuring decentralization and federalism, over a long period. Washington should encourage Damascus to create a government that respects basic rights and freedoms for all citizens, avoiding favoritism toward any particular group. The US should support a peaceful integration of the SDF into Syria’s future structures and encourage negotiation with Damascus on security and governance.

However, Washington should not micromanage the process, focusing instead on encouraging cooperation between the SDF and Damascus for the country’s long-term stability.

Although the process is expected to be lengthy and convoluted, Ford emphasizes that "it will be an issue for the Syrians to resolve. And it should not require an American hand on the wheel—or American boots on the ground." 

Read more: The Syrian nation is occupied