With the July 26th coup in Niger which overthrew pro-Western president, Mohamed Bazoum, the Sahel region seems to be struck by insecurity again. Yet, the thought that this is a time of insecurity does not also preclude this insecurity from being a force for change in the region. While it is still quite early, signs show that this coup is being led by elements within the military who share a certain nationalist and Pan-Africanist sentiment with the leaders in Mali and Burkina Faso. This brings up fascinating questions, discussed very little in the West; in these countries, what is the relationship of the army and the nation? Will there be overt French, European, or American intervention to protect the flows of uranium from Niger to Europe? Indeed Niger produces 15% of France’s uranium and about 20% of Europe’s uranium.

Currently, mixed messages are coming from Paris. Macron’s government has stated that French uranium interests in Niger are totally safe because one of the key mines is run by Orano, the French state uranium company. While it is alleged that France is not reliant on any one supplier of uranium, and has stockpiles to cover 2 years if Niger’s uranium stops flowing to Paris, the issue of energy supplies touches on a sensitive topic for many Europeans: buying from Russia and bypassing sanctions.

Related News

A new global crisis is brewing in West Africa

Exercise Flintlock: US military training in Africa backfires

Currently, there are no sanctions on Russian supplies of uranium, but as the situation in Ukraine divides Europe more and more, these types of sanctions could be on the table. In the era of capitalist globalization, regional conflicts tend to equal more than the sum of their component parts.

The idea of military intervention by France, NATO, or the American imperialists is opposed by various groups on the ground in West Africa. The West African People’s Organization released a statement yesterday in collaboration with the Socialist Movement of Ghana, and the Communist Party of Benin denouncing the imperialist designs in the region. In the statement, it is put in unequivocal terms that any military intervention in Niger could spark a series of sub-conflicts regionally, and aggravate the already fragile state of affairs in the Sahel. The statement was published in response to a meeting of the heads of ECOWAS, who declared in no uncertain terms that unless the imperialist lackey Mohamed Bazoum is reinstated by August 6th, that a military force should be deployed to Niger to force this reinstatement. As stated by the WAPO, “this decision by the ECOWAS Heads of State is nothing more than a maneuver by colonial France and Great Britain, under the hegemony of American imperialism, to resort to armed intervention under the guise of restoring democracy and human rights in Niger”. The statement continues by asking a series of important questions regarding the possibility and consequences of this potential military intervention; “[h]ow will the logistical nightmare be managed without resorting to the negative forces of our slavers and exploiters?”. Indeed, the idea of a military intervention on behalf of the ECOWAS seems entirely unfeasible, and would require an increase in the taxes across the West African community of states, which is essentially an increase in the immiseration of the already oppressed peoples of the region. This desire for a quick and decisive military intervention in Niger also begs the question, what interests do the American imperialists have in Niger?

According to the US military, their drone base in Niger, known simply as “Nigerien Air Base 201” is a critical piece of infrastructure for intelligence and drone operations against the Islamic State in north and west Africa. According to Task & Purpose–an online publication following the US military and defense industry–the main concerns of the US in the Sahel are twofold: firstly, without the Nigerien air base, they have lost ‘eyes and ears’ for monitoring JNIM (the ISIS/Al Qaeda affiliate in the region) and secondly, the US military fears that with French withdrawal from the region and a series of nationalist coups, that groups like Wagner will step in to fill the security vacuum. In reference to the first point, the US military track record of collaborating with Al Qaeda affiliates in Syria shows how Janus-faced they really are. As for the second point, the honesty is refreshing; Russia’s stubborn refusal to bow down to the NATO diktat in Ukraine, along with its increased influence in West Africa is the real reason why the US was so quick to issue a statement condemning the coup and heaping praise on their lackey, Mohamed Bazoum.

While it is still too early to tell what will happen, it does seem that the elements of the military in Niger who participated in the overthrow of the Bazoum regime are elements who share a certain pan-African and nationalist sentiment much like those in Mali and Burkina Faso. Currently in Niamey, the capital, the military and civil society groups such as M62 are taking to the streets to defend the nation from enemies internal and external. Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger all share a border, and with their new governments, plus a seemingly new national vocation, we will see how these new forces shape the relations regionally and globally. The sovereignty of Niger should be defended by all anti-imperialists worldwide, and hopefully, soon we can see a West Africa which is rid of all imperialist lackeys and their designs to maintain control over their people.