'Israel’s' future as a pariah? Netanyahu touts 'super-Sparta' course
Julian Borger examines Netanyahu’s push for a “super Sparta,” exploring market fallout, political motives, and how isolationist rhetoric is reshaping “Israel’s” alliances.
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Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu delivers a speech in occupied Palestine, March 27, 2025. (AP)
Julian Borger, The Guardian’s senior international correspondent, wrote that hours before Israeli forces launched a ground offensive in Gaza City on Tuesday, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu outlined his vision for “Israel’s” future as one of growing economic isolation.
Borger writes that Netanyahu called for the country’s transformation into a “super Sparta of the Middle East,” advocating a more militarized society, partial economic self-sufficiency, and a stronger reliance on domestic production.
Netanyahu’s vision has sparked unease among Israelis concerned about the entity becoming a pariah state. Daily news reports and social media posts highlight Israelis encountering hostility abroad, undermining their longstanding self-perception as a Western outpost in the region.
Borger adds that financial markets reacted swiftly: Tel Aviv stock indices dipped, and the shekel weakened against the dollar. Veteran columnist Ben Caspit, writing in Maariv, observed, “How romantic to fantasise about the heroic and ascetic Spartans… The problem is that Sparta was annihilated. It lost and disappeared.” Arnon Bar-David, head of Histadrut, echoed this concern, saying the Israeli community is “exhausted” and its status in the world “very bad.”
According to Borger, 80 prominent Israeli economists estimated the financial damage from Netanyahu’s strategy in billions of shekels, warning that the war on Gaza threatens both security and economic resilience, and could deepen isolation from Western nations.
Eternal war and isolation
In his speech, Netanyahu blamed foreign powers for “Israel’s” growing isolation, accusing China and Qatar of undermining its "legitimacy" through Western social media channels. He also criticized politically active "Islamist" minorities in Western Europe, claiming they pressure governments such as the UK, France, and Belgium, which are preparing to recognize Palestine at the UN.
Borger further cites Yair Golan, chair of the Democrats in the Knesset, who argued that Netanyahu’s insistence on prolonging the war aims to stave off early elections and avoid corruption charges, telling Israelis: “To keep my seat, I need eternal war and isolation.”
As Borger notes, Netanyahu still enjoys backing from Washington, one that was reluctant from Joe Biden, stronger from Donald Trump, and a reported “green light” from Secretary of State Marco Rubio. In "Israel", his coalition depends heavily on ultra-Orthodox and far-right partners, who embrace a siege mentality as protection against compromise and foreign influence.
Finally, Borger highlights that right-wing commentator Amihai Attali endorsed enduring economic pain in what he framed as a religious war, writing in Yedioth Ahronoth: “Yes, this will take longer… We have no option but to wield our swords.”
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