"Israel" committed two atrocious crimes in a span of a day, assassinating the second-in-command of the Islamic Resistance in Lebanon - Hezbollah, Sayyed Fouad Shokor, and the leader of the Islamic Resistance Movement - Hamas, Ismail Haniyeh. 

The two attempts on the lives of the Resistance leaders took place thousands of kilometers apart, the first of which was in the Southern Suburbs of Beirut, Lebanon, while the second occurred in northern Tehran, Iran. Both marked unprecedented escalation in the ongoing Battle of Al-Aqsa Flood, due to the caliber of the leaders and the locations attacked. 

By making such a dangerous leap, analysts believe that the Israeli regime is making a strong, probably irreversible, bid for an all-out war, shunning any possibility for a diplomatic deal that would see its woes numbed for the meantime. To the general public, specifically Israeli settlers, the Israeli regime markets these assassinations as quintessential to securing the settler colonial project's continuity and security, as well as a claim to victory against enemies. 

On the other hand, the affected factions assert that the assassinations will not deter them. Instead, they argue these events will only strengthen their resolve and deepen their commitment to resisting occupation.

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Do assassinations enhance Israeli security?

Political assassinations might cause short-term turbulence within the leadership framework of political factions and they may also affect organizational stances and priorities. Through high-profile assassinations, conducted by the Israeli military and intelligence agencies such as the Mossad, the Israeli occupation was able to influence the general direction of political movements, by eliminating key revolutionary figures in the past. 

Fatah, one of the most popular Palestinian political organizations and among the first to champion resistance and Palestinian nationalism, eventually saw its political core succumb to Israeli pressure. Eliminating leaders such as Fatah's Khalil al-Wazir, known as Abu Jihad, and Yasser Arafat, at different stages, produced some of the worst results for the Palestinian national liberation struggle. 

In the case of Fatah, the available cadre played an important role in transforming ideals of armed resistance until the full liberation of Palestine to defeatist and supposedly pragmatist policies that benefitted a few to the detriment of nations. 

However, organizations with radically different ideologies, membership criteria, and military and organizational structures were immune to the same Israeli policies. 

Namely, Islamic-oriented political organizations, such as Hezbollah, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), and Hamas, saw multiple rounds of assassination campaigns, yet both their political and military influence grew exponentially over the years. 

When comparing the two phenomena, it is critical to observe the deep-rooted ideas that Islamic and revolutionary organizations adopt. Revolutionary Marxist organizations, such as the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) share similar experiences. Although the two fronts lost stamina in the 2000s, they remained steadfast in their ideological basis, refusing the Oslo Accords an ineffective US-led two-state solution. They also remained relevant in the military sphere, as their fighters continue to participate in near-daily confrontations with Israeli occupation forces in the Gaza Strip, although to a lesser extent than al-Qassam and al-Quds Brigades. 

The two parties remain crucial to the Palestinian political makeup, however, their deterioration may be closely linked to the strong rise in Islamic political organizations, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and failed strategies. Conversely, Israeli assassinations had little effect on their ideals.

For example, although "Israel" assassinated the PFLP renowned Secretary-General martyr Abu Ali Moustapha and later detained his successor Ahmad Saadat, the front continues to engage in high-level meetings and talks with other Resistance factions and maintains its military presence in both the Gaza Strip and the occupied West Bank. 

Among the three earliest Palestinian political movements, the impact of the assassinations has varied significantly. In some instances, these actions have boosted Israeli security, while in others, they have had the opposite effect. Certain movements have even capitalized on these incidents to expand and strengthen their operational capabilities.

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Exploiting assassinations

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In the current geopolitical atmosphere, Islamic Resistance factions have been able to overcome high-profile assassinations. This is especially true when examining the long-term development of these movements. 

Bennifetting of rooted ideological structures, and popular support stemming from cultural and social support networks they initiated, these movements grew stronger after every assassination attempt, successful or not.

Generally, the founding leaders are viewed by their comrades and subordinates as icons who initiated movements that snatched entire peoples from an ailing slump and pushed them toward success. As such assassinations only strengthened such beliefs, as the events add to the legitimacy of the movements' stories. 

In the case of Hezbollah, the assassination of their top leaders, such as Sheikh Ragheb Harb, Sayyed Abbas Mousawi, Imad Mughniyeh, and now Sayyed Fouad Shokor, only spurred the Resistance forward, as their teachings have become cornerstones for incoming and existing generations. 

Hamas also experienced a similar journey, as the Israeli occupation worked to dismantle its entire military and political structure. Instead, it was faced with a growing popular base and increasingly more resolute leadership. The assassination of Sheikh Ahmad Yassin, Doctor Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi, and now Ismail Haniyeh, did not and will not produce any positive results for Israeli security, instead, the aftermath of the latest assassination indicates growing bonds between different factions and peoples of the Axis of Resistance. 

The same goes for the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) and its military wing al-Quds Brigades, which recently experienced a wide-scale assassination campaign in 2022 and 2023 where the Israeli strike eliminated a substantial number of leaders. Nevertheless, al-Quds Brigades has proven to be one of the region's most active and skilled military apparatuses. It continues to be the second strongest organization in the Gaza Strip, the most militarily active in the occupied West Bank, and maintains operations from South Lebanon and Syria. 

A commonality observed between all the aforementioned organizations is that these assassinations have also left behind a legacy carried on by other leaders, fighters, and supporters. The names of those assassinated become ominous with the faction. The association between these high-profile personalities and the factions goes beyond mere aesthetics and as their journeys become inherent foundations for others to follow. 

The accumulation of such leaders, whose lives ended in the most honorable manner, during a time when exit plans are easy to attain, only adds to the legacy and history of the parties. Further enhancing factions' political standing and legitimate struggle for an unassailable cause. Decisions such as naming a newly organized force, or a weapon, or commemorating the lives of the martyrs in yearly memorials all play into raising awareness of the martyred leaders' careers and further cementing their work into the public's collective consciousness. 

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Organizational, operational excellence

Integrating the journeys and legacies of the martyrs into the parties' aesthetic is crucial to developing the parties' own legacy and legitimacy among supporters and members. Nevertheless, serious work goes into bypassing short-term turbulence and organizational impasse, caused by high-profile assassinations. 

In the early stages of these movements, military-related knowledge was limited to basic training, the use and production of improvised explosives, and the operation of a variety of cannons. Although limited, when employed properly, these basic methods could produce impactful results that pushed against Israeli aggression on Lebanon for decades. 

Critically, the accumulation of military and security-related knowledge, as well as the dissemination of the know-how across self-acting or directed cells, kept the heritage alive, even if the original idea-bearer was retired. 

More recently, as the Resistance accumulated several substantial experiences, armed groups, and cells were molded and morphed into regular squads. These new formations meant that Resistance fighters had clear organizational guidelines, rules, sanctions, documented knowledge, and training exercises curtailed by an elite few who paved the way for thousands to follow. 

Across the plane, Resistance factions honored the careers of martyrs with strategic responses to their assassination or martyrdom on the battlefield. It is worth noting that the Resistance faces a much more superior military force in "Israel" and the United States, meaning that direct responses to the killing of martyrs are often seen as lacking by the public.

However, in the backrooms, the Resistance responds to these attacks by establishing vital projects and weaponry. Such actions only come to their true fruition in later stages of confrontations, where these projects cut further into Israeli security.

Here is a list of such examples, in which the martyrdom of key leaders led to grand plans.

• Hezbollah's Radwan Force: Named after Imad Mughniyeh's military codename, the force is now one of the world's most developed and highly skilled non-state military groups. 
• Al-Qassam Brigades' Ghoul sniper rifle: In memory of Adnan al-Ghoul, al-Qassam developed their own sniper rifle, and with it squads of highly-trained individuals that have reaped dozens of Israeli soldiers in the Battle of Al-Aqsa Flood. 
• Al-Quds Brigades' Ali Al-Aswad Force: Keeping the name of Ali Ramzi al-Aswad in the public collective memory, al-Quds Brigades named their forces in Syria after the martyr. The force is among a few factions participating in operations in support of the Palestinian people from South Lebanon and participated in a commando operation against an Israeli base in the early days of the war. 

The recent appointment of Yahya Sinwar as the leader of Hamas' Political Bureau underscores the organizational resilience and enduring legacy of the Islamic Resistance Movement, which successfully countered Israeli plots. Sinwar, widely as the architect behind Operation Al-Aqsa Flood, was unanimously chosen for the highest organizational role, reflecting both his critical influence within the movement and the strong support for his vision among Hamas' top echelon at this stage of the Israeli war on Palestine. His leadership is expected to usher Hamas into a new era characterized by proactive and strategic political maneuvers, marking a significant counter-response to the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh.

Crossnational cooperation crushes effects of Israeli-US assassinations

The Axis of Resistance has seen historic cooperation across different factions. 

Unsurprisingly, in phases of escalation, Iran's Islamic Revolution Guard Corps (IRGC) records several martyrs, designated as military advisors. Similarly, Hezbollah, after gaining years of military experience, also saw several of its fighters martyred in countries such as Iraq and Yemen during times of war. 

Military advisors as well as joint coordination rooms have played vital roles in overcoming the short-term effects of assassinations and deaths among the Resistance's cadre. Advisors play a key role in training new sets of Resistance fighters on advanced weapons systems, including drones, ballistic missiles, and cruise missiles. They also disseminate the extensive knowledge amassed from decades of confrontations and warfare, ensuring it permeates every possible level of the Axis.

The significance of knowledge-sharing within the Axis of Resistance cannot be overstated. This exchange of expertise has enabled factions to protect fighters using tunnels from Israeli-American targeting systems, bolster their strength through the production and deployment of rockets, and identify and exploit vulnerabilities in Israeli defenses. It also plays a key role within the faction itself, as the martyrdom of leaders, such as that in the Gaza Strip, does not affect the operationality of lower-tier members, who have undergone the necessary training and have a flurry of instructional manuals available to complete relatively simple tasks.

It so happens that resisting Israeli occupation is popular in West Asia, attracting thousands to take on one of modern history's most unrelenting enemies. Armed with extensive knowledge and collective determination, the Axis of Resistance has consistently withstood the impacts of Israeli assassinations and will continue to do so, in the case of the martyred leaders Shokor and Haniyeh.

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