Netanyahu and Trump: Shifting ties amid Middle East tensions
6 Min Read
The Financial Times analyzes Netanyahu and Trump's evolving ties as US Middle East policy shifts on Gaza, Iran talks, and the Abraham Accords.
US President Donald Trump, left, shakes hands with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as he leaves the West Wing of the White House, Monday, April 7, 2025, in Washington. (AP)
Benjamin Netanyahu has long claimed to have Donald Trump’s ear. However, as the US president tours the Middle East this week, it is unclear whether that influence remains.
Gaza captive release, coordination challenges
On Monday, Hamas released an American-Israeli captive from Gaza following negotiations that bypassed Netanyahu, who was only formally informed once they succeeded. “Thank you, President Trump,” Edan Alexander wrote on a whiteboard as he was helicoptered to the hospital.
The following day, Trump lifted sanctions on Syria, setting up a meeting in Riyadh with its new interim president, Ahmad al-Sharaa, who has been extensively criticized by "Israel". According to The Times, the Israeli occupation was blindsided by the move, amid its efforts to isolate al-Sharaa and demilitarize southern Syria.
Trump had also already split from Netanyahu on another front when he announced a truce on May 6 with Yemen’s Ansar Allah.
This left "Israel" battling Ansar Allah alone. Since then, Ansar Allah have fired three ballistic missiles at "Israel", twice while Trump was in Saudi Arabia.
Trump's regional tour and its implications
Hanging over it all was a larger rupture: Trump’s decision to pursue direct negotiations with Iran over its nuclear program, reducing Netanyahu to a spectator on the defining issue of his premiership, one over which he has already sparred with two US presidents.
“It certainly doesn’t look like Netanyahu has Trump’s ear right now — and if he has his ear, he doesn’t have Trump’s heart and mind,” said Michael Oren, former Israeli ambassador to the US.
Trump’s tour is largely about American interests in the region, including economic gains. “Israel doesn’t have a trillion dollars to invest in the US,” said Oren, adding, “The Saudis and the Qataris do.” In the unpredictable patterns of Trump’s presidency, none of this may eventually matter. The US leader has repeatedly buoyed Netanyahu’s standing with political largesse, including an invitation to be the first foreign leader to visit him at the White House in his second term.
Trump still largely echoes Netanyahu’s language about Hamas, even backing the Israeli leader’s decision to block food from entering Gaza. And talks with Iran may fail, bringing Trump back into tune with Netanyahu.
Divergence over Iran and Gaza war
But as Trump pursues transactional relationships with world leaders, Netanyahu has refused to give the US president one thing he has clearly sought: a swift end to the Gaza war, which could free as many as 20 living Israeli hostages from Hamas captivity, at least a few of whom would be likely to visit the White House to thank Trump in person.
“It’s not about the politics,” said a person who helped arrange a visit to Trump’s White House by captives released in a previous ceasefire. “Trump genuinely cares about the hostages, about their freedom.”
Trump headed to Doha on Wednesday to be feted by a monarchy that Netanyahu accused less than a fortnight ago of “playing both sides” in Gaza and refusing to take sides against “Hamas’s barbarism.” Asked en route whether his trip had sidelined "Israel", Trump said it had not.
“This is good for Israel, having a relationship like I have with these countries; Middle Eastern countries, essentially all of them,” he said. “I think it’s very good for Israel.”
Netanyahu’s resistance to ending the war in Gaza has left Trump unable to further advance his signature foreign policy achievement from his first presidency, the Abraham Accords.
Regional hesitancy on the Abraham Accords
While the UAE and Bahrain normalised relations with "Israel" at his urging in 2020 under the accords, Saudi Arabia has held out, demanding at least a pathway to a Palestinian state.
In Riyadh, when Trump mentioned the Abraham Accords, the room fell silent, underscoring the unlikelihood of Saudi Arabia joining the accords until Netanyahu ends the Gaza war.
At the same time, by backing Trump’s decisions to pursue talks with Iran and ease tensions with Syria, the Gulf giants “can reinforce Trump’s vision of himself, as a peacemaker, someone who ends wars, and helps him realise his greatest vision: advance the Abraham Accords and win the Nobel Prize,” said Oren.
Although Trump will not visit "Israel" on this trip, Netanyahu’s inner circle was “not in hysterics” over the apparent divisions, said a source familiar with the matter. But “they don’t love it and they’re not happy,” the person admitted.
Others were less sanguine. Dudi Amsalem, a minister from Netanyahu’s Likud party, told Israeli radio on Tuesday that the way the Alexander release deal was reached was “clearly incorrect, to say the least. I expect the US administration to coordinate this with the Israeli government.”
On the Ansar Allah issue, he added, “It turns out [Trump] is unpredictable. He wakes up every morning on a different side.”
In brief
Trump showed appreciation toward "Israel" for the release of the US captives but did not mention Netanyahu, emphasizing that their freedom was due in large part to US efforts.
Regarding Syria, Trump acted on advice from Turkish President Erdoğan and informed "Israel" without consulting them.
A source familiar with US-Israeli relations said Netanyahu’s recent position has weakened, with Trump giving him some leeway on the Gaza war, but it’s uncertain how long this will last.
Regarding Iran, the divide remains wide. Trump is considering a deal allowing limited civilian nuclear activity, while Netanyahu insists on dismantling all of Tehran’s nuclear work. Recent US talks may signal a tougher stance aligning with "Israel’s" demands, but whether Washington will enforce this remains unclear.
Read more: US takes over Iran, Yemen, Gaza talks, sidelines 'Israel'
