When he was in school, I used to give him a quarter lira as his daily allowance. One day, I heard that another boy had been taking it from him, so I asked him about it. He just laughed and said, ‘I am not scared and no one can take my money from me. The truth is, that boy never had any money, so I gave him my quarter. And since my father had a little shop, I would also bring him chocolate, chewing gum, and a bottle of Pepsi.’

 

- Sayyed Abdul Karim Nasrallah

Father of Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah

This was what Sayyed Abdul Karim Nasrallah recalled in an interview for Al-Ahd. That childhood memory captures the essence of Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah; the qualities he showed as a boy, turning into the leader he had become one day.

Born in August 1960 in Borj Hammoud, Lebanon, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah was the eldest of nine siblings in a working-class family. He spent his early years in Karantina, one of the country’s neighborhoods renowned for its poverty. His mother was a homemaker, while his father owned a small fruit and vegetable shop where Sayyed Hassan often helped. From a young age, he was remembered as calm, modest, serious, and far more mature than his peers. Teachers describe him as intelligent, disciplined, and deeply pious, even as a child.

At the age of four, Sayyed Nasrallah learned the Quran from his aunt. Although his family was not strictly religious, he developed a strong devotion early on. By the time he was nine or ten, he was already attending the sermons of clerics, such as Sayyed Mohammad Hussein Fadlallah. His grandmother fondly remembered how he would wrap her shawl around himself and pretend to be a cleric, revealing the spiritual path he felt drawn to since his early childhood.

As we revisit the defining stages of Sayyed Hassan’s life, it is important to note that this is not meant as a traditional biography. Instead, it is a journey into the political and religious dimensions of his path, a road that many have avoided for years, whether deliberately or not. It is the road where two parallels, leftist ideology and Islam, finally converged in the person of Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah.

Between colonialism, exploitation, and war

The Lebanese Civil War broke out in 1975, with violent clashes reaching Karantina. Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah and his family were forced to move south, where he witnessed firsthand the marginalization of the Shia community under Israeli shelling and the inability of the Lebanese state to protect its citizens.

Lebanon is unique in the Middle East for its religious diversity, with three main religions and eighteen sects. Historically, the Shia community was concentrated in the South, the Beqaa, and the Southern Suburb of Beirut (Dahieh), and it was often excluded from state development, underrepresented in government, and heavily dependent on agriculture, such as tobacco farming under the exploitative Regie Libanaise. Scholars like Kamal Salibi in "A House of Many Mansions" (1988) document this structural marginalization.

From a class perspective, rather than purely a religious one, Shia communities suffered systemic disadvantages, while some Sunni Muslims and Lebanese Christians benefited from historical privileges under the Ottoman Empire and French Mandate, which reinforced class division shadowed by "sectarianism".

In the 1960s and 70s, leftist organizations such as the Lebanese Communist Party and Palestinian groups (PFLP, DFLP) attracted Shia youth by addressing class inequality and advocating resistance against the Israeli occupation. Meanwhile, Imam Musa Sadr, the founder of the Amal Movement, combined Shia religious legitimacy with social justice demands, filling a crucial leadership vacuum.

A young leader emerged

During his teenage years, Sayyed Hassan quickly joined the Amal Movement, demonstrating early leadership skills and becoming a local representative. At sixteen, he traveled to Najaf, Iraq, to study at the Shia seminary, where he was mentored by Sayyed Abbas al-Moussawi, who would later serve as Hezbollah’s Secretary-General.

In 1978–1979, following increased persecution of Shia scholars under Saddam Hussein, many foreign seminarians, including Sayyed Hassan, were expelled from Iraq. He then returned to Lebanon and continued his religious studies at the back-then newly established Hawza in Baalbek, founded by Sayyed Abbas al-Moussawi. There, he became both a student and an active organizer in religious and community affairs.

The Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 transformed Baalbek Hawza into a center of both religious education and resistance. Sayyed Hassan combined teaching with political and military involvement, laying the foundations of what would become Hezbollah. Even in his early twenties, his discipline, organizational skills, and spiritual grounding set him apart as a promising leader within the emerging Islamic Resistance.

Structure: Hezbollah vs. Marxist-Leninist party

Under the guidance of Sayyed Abbas al-Moussawi, Sayyed Hassan quickly became one of his most trusted lieutenants. He played a central role in building Hezbollah’s religious and educational infrastructure, including schools and cultural programs, while also receiving military and organizational training. 

Although Hezbollah and Marxist-Leninist parties come from two different ideological traditions, their organizational models share striking similarities. Both emphasize the integration of military and political struggle, with armed wings subordinated to central leadership: in Leninist theory, the Central Committee; in Hezbollah, the Shura Council. Both rely on cell-based structures connecting cadres to local communities, ensuring the movement remains embedded in the lives of ordinary people rather than functioning as a detached elite.

Discipline is maintained through a form of democratic centralism: debate is allowed internally, but once decisions are made, unified action is expected. Beyond the military-political core, both traditions prioritize building parallel institutions, educational, cultural, and welfare, to consolidate long-term influence.

As Antonio Francesco Gramsci, an Italian Marxist philosopher and politician, argued, a revolutionary movement must shape civil society through schools, unions, and cultural programs. Hezbollah has done precisely this, establishing a network of schools, hospitals, media outlets, and reconstruction initiatives. These institutions serve the Shia community, while remaining inclusive of all Lebanese citizens, blending religious authority with social service. The main difference lies in ideology: Marxist-Leninist parties are grounded in class struggle, whereas Hezbollah bases its legitimacy on religious principles and the duty of resistance. Yet, in practice, both create a disciplined, multifaceted movement capable of providing protection, governance, and social support.

In 1987, Sayyed Nasrallah was appointed to lead Hezbollah’s operations in Beirut, a highly sensitive post. He expanded the party’s support among Shia communities in the Southern Suburb (Dahieh), combining organizational skill with religious legitimacy to reinforce both military and political efforts. After the assassination of Sayyed Abbas al-Moussawi in 1992, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah became Hezbollah’s Secretary-General, guiding its evolution with a clear vision of discipline, strategy, and moral leadership.

In practice...

Under Sayyed Hassan’s leadership, Hezbollah’s structure evolved into a hybrid model:

• Shura Council (Majlis al-Shura): the supreme leadership body, blending clerical and military figures.
• Executive arms: military, political, and social service wings, including education, healthcare, and reconstruction.

Sayyed Hassan’s guidance helped Hezbollah grow into a movement with a broad social base and a clear ideological vision. This structure mirrors the organizational logic of early revolutionary parties like the Bolsheviks, founded by Vladimir Lenin in Russia.

The Bolshevik model combined a supreme leadership body (Central Committee/Politburo), an armed wing (Red Guards/Red Army), political engagement through mass organizations, and local cells in neighborhoods and workplaces. It also included social and educational institutions to secure public support.

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Hezbollah under Sayyed Hassan reflects a similar logic: the Shura Council functions like a Central Committee, fusing religious and military authority. Its executive arms combine military resistance, political engagement, and social services, including schools, hospitals, and reconstruction initiatives. Just as the Bolsheviks embedded themselves in daily life to maintain influence, so has Hezbollah built a strong social and ideological base while maintaining its religious identity.

And in theory...

Having seen how Hezbollah’s structure operates in practice under Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, integrating military, political, and social wings to serve the community, we can now explore the theoretical principles that mirror and shape this approach. By examining the ideas of key leftist revolutionaries, we can better understand the similarities behind the organization and its strategy for embedding resistance within society.

Lenin

In "What Is to Be Done?", Vladimir Lenin argued that a revolutionary party must combine armed struggle with political leadership. The armed wing is never independent but always subordinated to the political line and accountable to the masses.

Similarly, under Sayyed Hassan, Hezbollah’s Resistance wing is disciplined, directed by the Shura Council, and justified in terms of protecting the people and reclaiming occupied land.

Mao

Mao Zedong emphasized that guerrilla forces are inseparable from the “sea of the people” that sustains them. The population provides food, shelter, legitimacy, and recruits; without this connection, armed struggle cannot survive.

Hezbollah's armed wing is, in reality, the people of the community. Fighters are the local population, while the people benefit from education, healthcare, and reconstruction programs. This mirrors Mao’s principle that military action is inseparable from mass mobilization.

Gramsci’s theory of hegemony

Antonio Francesco Gramsci argued that revolutionary success depends not only on military strength but on cultural and social leadership; a “war of position” through institutions is as important as direct confrontation.

Beyond armed Resistance, Hezbollah has built schools, hospitals, reconstruction committees, and media outlets. This is a Gramscian approach: winning hearts and minds, shaping civil society, and cultivating broad ideological influence.

Che Guevara & revolutionary morality

Ernesto Che Guevara emphasized that revolutionaries must embody moral legitimacy and live among the people, gaining authority through example rather than command alone.

Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah mirrored this ethic through his modest lifestyle, personal sacrifice, and the way he shares loss with the community, including the martyrdom of his eldest son, Hadi, in 1997. His leadership demonstrates moral credibility, aligning private life with public principles and reinforcing trust and loyalty among people.

Even in daily life, Sayyed Hassan projects modesty, avoids performative displays of power, and emphasizes ethical governance as a religious duty. This practical morality strengthens both Hezbollah’s social influence and its revolutionary legitimacy.

Beyond Resistance

Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah’s genius extended beyond institution-building; he framed Hezbollah’s mission using a language that fused Islamic morality with social justice. In his speeches, concepts like jihad and resistance are not limited to military struggle but encompass defending the poor, providing education and healthcare, and combating corruption. By doing so, social welfare becomes an act of faith, and resistance against oppression takes on a sacred dimension.

For Sayyed Hassan, foreign domination was not only a violation of Lebanon’s sovereignty but also a system that entrenched poverty, inequality, and corruption. Western and Israeli influence were presented as part of a broader structure of economic exploitation and abandonment of ordinary Lebanese. He consistently argued that confronting these forces was both a political necessity and a religious duty.

He framed the fight against corruption in moral terms. For instance, in a 2019 Martyrs’ Day address, he challenged judicial investigators to begin their anti-corruption efforts with Hezbollah itself, saying that if there is any case related to any person in Hezbollah, the government should go ahead and "start with us, start with us."

This statement situates social and political responsibility within religious ethics, emphasizing accountability from the top down. Sayyed Hassan also links foreign and domestic corruption to moral decay that undermines the spiritual foundation of society, portraying rebuilding, welfare, and education as essential components of resistance.

Through these efforts, Hezbollah’s social projects, schools, clinics, hospitals, and reconstruction initiatives are not framed as charity or political favors, but as righteous duties. By linking Resistance and welfare, Sayyed Hassan elevates social provision to a moral and religious obligation, merging the principles of Islam with the goals of social justice.

Even during Lebanon’s economic collapse since 2019, when state institutions faltered, banks froze, and the currency collapsed, Hezbollah’s social services, including food distribution, fuel imports, and healthcare, continued operating. Sayyed Hassan’s leadership ensured that these initiatives were guided by a sense of moral duty and religious legitimacy, providing the entirety of the population with stability and hope in the face of systemic failure.

In essence, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah’s approach transforms everyday social support into acts of faith and resistance, demonstrating that the principles of Islam and social justice can be fused to protect, educate, and empower communities.

Religious principles, socialist parallels

At the heart of Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah’s worldview are key Islamic principles that resonate strongly with socialist ethics. He consistently integrates these values into both his sermons and Hezbollah’s social institutions, ensuring that religious morality translates into tangible action for justice and communal welfare.

Justice (al-ʿAdl)

In Shia thought, ʿadl (justice) is a pillar of faith, signifying fairness in social relations and accountability before God. Sayyed Hassan consistently connects justice to socioeconomic realities: neglecting the poor or tolerating corruption is seen as a violation of divine law. This perspective parallels socialism’s emphasis on ending exploitation and promoting equality.

Solidarity (al-Taʿāwun)

The Quranic injunction “taʿāwanū ʿalā al-birr wa al-taqwā” (“cooperate in righteousness and piety”) underpins Hezbollah’s focus on collective welfare. Sayyed Hassan frames solidarity as essential to resistance: schools, clinics, and reconstruction efforts are acts of taʿāwun, aligning closely with socialism’s principles of mutual aid and collective responsibility.

Struggle Against Oppression (al-Jihād ḍidd al-ẓulm)

For Sayyed Hassan, jihad extends beyond war to encompass resisting social injustice. Oppression (ẓulm) includes imperial domination, corruption, and poverty. By redefining jihad in this way, he links religious duty to a socialist-inspired fight against exploitation.

Communal Obligation (al-Farḍ al-Kifāya)

Shia jurisprudence recognizes farḍ kifāya, the communal duty fulfilled when some members of society act on behalf of all. Hezbollah’s welfare system embodies this principle: by providing health, housing, and education, the movement fulfills obligations neglected by the state. This mirrors socialism’s responsibility for the collective provision of public goods.

Islamic practices further reinforce redistribution and social responsibility:

• Zakat (obligatory almsgiving, 2.5% of wealth) parallels redistributive taxation.
• Khums (1/5 of income, partially directed to religious representatives) funds welfare, education, and aid for the poor.
• Waqf (endowments for social projects) serves as a form of community ownership.
• Prohibition of Ribā (usury) critiques exploitative economic practices.

Thinkers like Ali Shariati explicitly connected Islam and socialism, showing that faith and social justice are not only compatible but mutually reinforcing.

Through these principles, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah transforms Hezbollah’s institutions, schools, clinics, and reconstruction projects into mechanisms of both spiritual and social justice, ensuring that religious duty and community welfare go hand in hand.

Bodies fall, but ideas endure

Last year, on September 27, 2024, Hezbollah announced the martyrdom of Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah. For many Lebanese and revolutionaries worldwide, he was a father, a mentor, and a source of hope and faith. His legacy demonstrates that two seemingly separate parallels, religion and socialism, can, in fact, converge and thrive under principled leadership. As Ghassan Kanafani famously said, “Bodies fall, but the ideas endure.” And Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah has said something similar several times, stressing that the Resistance will continue despite fallen leaders.

And now, as the nation lost one of its most important leaders, Sayyed Hassan’s influence will continue to inspire and guide, proving that while bodies may fall, the essence of their vision endures. And above all, he will always embody how parallels can meet.